This essay explores the impact of ecological factors on the contact between tribes and non-tribes, particularly in the Andaman Islands. It highlights how colonial government and settlers transformed tribes from resource owners to refugees, relying on the administration’s dole. The essay uses an ecological viewpoint to examine the history of tribal resistance in the Andaman Islands and the integration process after India’s independence.
Human communities living in dense forests, mountain interiors, deserts, and isolated islands have been unnoticed by the rest of the world for ages. Isolation or interaction between human groups has advantages and downsides. The disadvantages are exacerbated when a human group is limited in number and engages in hunting-gathering subsistence activities with primitive tools and technology.
The smaller the group, the higher the risk of exclusion from resources and livelihood opportunities. Indigenous tiny groups are vulnerable to direct or indirect threats from external influences, including encroachment on their land by outsiders and invasion of modern culture. Examples of such examples include the Tasmanian aborigines, Australian, American, and Canadian tribes that failed to adapt to the new situation when waves of white immigrants arrived on their lands, leading to their destruction. The Great Andamanese and Onge of the Andaman Islands provide similar instances, with their population dropping dramatically. The Jarawa, who have grown close to outsiders, also face the prospect of suffering the same fate if adequate efforts are not started to safeguard them.
The Andaman and Nicobar islands, located in the Bay of Bengal, are surrounded by tropical rain forests and monsoon rainfall. The islands are home to four Negrito communities: the Great Andamanese, Onges, Jarawa, and Sentinelese. The British colonized the Andaman Islands in the 18th and 19th centuries, revealing their rich history and diverse communities.
The Andaman Islands have been mentioned in chronicles by sailors, travellers, and traders, often focusing on the demonic nature of the islands’ cannibal people. Since the British took possession, an authoritative history of the islands’ history has been provided, examining the impact of colonization on the native people and significant historical events, accidents, or decisions.
In 1789, the British established the first penal settlement in the Andaman Islands, but only documented contact with the Negrito inhabitants since then. Due to their susceptibility to tropical diseases, the British were forced to leave the islands in 1796. The Second Penal Settlement was established in 1858, following the adoption of the ‘Report of a Committee’. The British faced two major challenges when establishing a correctional settlement in the Andaman Islands: policy towards the aborigines and the establishment of appropriate administrative apparatus. The Court of Directors urged precautions to prevent contact with native people, but the British did not follow this strategy. The history of encounters and their effects on Negrito tribes is discussed further.
The Great Andamanese, one of the four Negrito tribes on the Andaman Islands, was previously divided into ten subgroups. Presently, they are divided into three groups: Aka-Chari, Aka-Jeru, and Aka-Bea- da, along with seven other groups, each claiming a specific part of the island. Tribes, except the Aka-Bea, occupied an average of 264 km2 of land, with the Aka-Kede being the largest and the Aka-Chari having less than 160 km2. These subgroups migrated to utilize natural resources, but their ties were hostile, leading to tribal warfare.
The prison colony led to numerous battles and expeditions as punishment, with settlement authorities ignoring conciliation and acting as attackers, causing chaos.The ruthless British authorities in the region instilled a strong anti-British sentiment in the aborigines, leading to a series of attacks between April and May 1859. The Great Andamanese, who were armed with bow and arrows, were unable to defeat the British rifles. The first coordinated attack occurred on
April 6, 1859, and another on April 14, 1859, involving around 1500 aborigines. The Great Andamanese retaliated against gang members while remaining cordial with convicts wearing iron rings. They also opposed the forest removal. The Battle of Aberdeen, on May 17, 1859, was a significant conflict, with many Great Andamanese killed.
In 1863, E.H. Men established the ‘Andaman Home’ in Port Blair, where Rev. Corbyn was tasked with civilizing the Great Andamans. Despite receiving free rations, lodgings, and medical care, the Great Andamanese’s desire to return to their jungle lifestyle remained strong. By the end of the 1860s, most subgroups had been gradually tamed, with the Aka-Bea-da being the first to be completely befriended. However, the contact resulted in a significant reduction in their number, from 3500 in 1858 to 50 in 1951 and 19 in 1961. In 1974, the Andaman and Nicobar Administration placed them on Strait Island, and they are no longer hunting and gathering full-time.
The Onges, a Negrito group in the Little Andaman Islands, were resentful of trespassers and remained loyal despite their limited arsenal. M.V. Portman, Officer-in-Charge of Aboriginal connections from 1879 to 1900, made goodwill efforts in 1886, establishing favorable connections with the Onges. Within 20 years, they were completely befriended after their amicable interaction with strangers in 1886.
The Onges’ shift from hostility to goodwill towards outsiders led to a significant change in their behavior. The British did not colonize Little Andaman, nor did they place them in ‘Homes’ to be civilized.
In 1967, Little Andaman was offered for refugee rehabilitation, which reduced their realm and resource base. To compensate, they relocated in 1974 to South Bay and Dugong Creek in the Little Andaman Islands. Today, the Onges are no longer reliant on hunting, fishing, and collecting, and the Andaman Administration provides them with everyday necessities, including food.
The Sentinelese, the world’s most isolated population, have been largely unexplored due to their isolation and lack of understanding. The British made few attempts to befriend the Sentinelese, starting in 1867, but no significant changes were observed. Post-Independence, sporadic excursions were sent to the island, but no significant changes were observed. A breakthrough occurred in 1991 when the Sentinelese received presents from contact team members. Despite this, there is still a hostile environment between the Sentinelese and outsiders. The Andaman and Nicobar Administration maintains a non-interference policy towards the Sentinelese.
The Great Andamanese, Onge tribe, and the Jarawa tribe were under British control after the foundation of the second prison colony at Port-Blair in 1858. However, the Jarawa refused the British friendly approach and were subjected to violence due to the British administration’s punitive expeditions against them. The Jarawa maintained a defensive posture until the second half of 1997, when they became friendly with non-Jarawa. The history of Jarawa-Non-Jarawa connections has been explored in three major time periods: contacts from 1858 to 1900, contacts from 1901 to 1939, and contacts under the Japanese occupation from 1942 to 1945.
The Jarawa tribe, unlike the Aka-Bea-da of the Great Andaman tribes, treated colonists casually during the initial phase of the penal colony. During the second penal settlement, the Jarawa remained unarmed. Topsy, a Great Andamanese girl, warned Reverend H. Corbyn not to proceed to their settlement, but he couldn’t understand the reasons behind their enmity. The Jarawa attacked the village in 1872, but the situation worsened, leading to violent conflicts between the two groups.
The Great Andamanese were deployed to capture and befriend the Jarawa, despite their long history ofhostility. This strategy failed, as people with pleasant temperaments were pushed to extreme hostility by putting armed soldiers into their lands. By the end of the nineteenth century, the situation had deteriorated, with incidents occurring from 1858-1900.
Mr. Portman’s conciliatory stance for the Jarawa was abandoned in 1900, leading to increased hatred between the two sides. The Jarawas opposed settlements and were constantly assaulted by settlers and British authorities. In 1905, a ‘Bush Police Force’ was founded, consisting of sympathetic Great Andamanese and Burmese Jamadar. The force was tasked with tracking down the Jarawa and runaway criminals. Captain West’s 1925 expedition killed up to 37 Jarawas, and the number of punitive expeditions inside Jarawa territory grew each year, increasing the Jarawa’s animosity for outsiders. These incidents occurred between 1901 and 1939.
From March 1942 to October 1945, the Japanese occupied the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, aiming to garrison the entire coast. However, the Jarawa hampered their efforts on the west coast, leading to claims of air shooting of the Jarawa regions. This incident fuelled the Jarawa’s animosity towards strangers.
Following Independence, the Indian Government abandoned its strategy of large-scale state violence and punitive expedition against the Jarawa tribe. They were designated as a ‘Scheduled Tribe’ and their region was reserved under the Government of India Forest Act and Andaman and Nicobar Islands Tribal Regulation. To gain their friendship, intermittent gift-giving activities were initiated.
In mid-1968, three Jarawa men were apprehended by locals in Kadamtala, Middle Andaman, while attempting to pick up metal items. They were held in Port-Blair for a month before being returned to Kadamtala for freedom. The Jarawa area’s gift-dropping activities escalated, and on February 18, 1974, a gift-dropping party led by Shiv Prasad Singh was confronted by unarmed Jarawa. Efforts were made to reestablish contact with the Jarawa in the region, and on April 5th and 10th, 1974, Mr. Bakhtawar Singh and other Bush Police officers met the Jarawa in Lakra Lungta. From 1974 until 1996, several visits were made to the Jarawa region.
The missions positively impacted the Jarawa people, but they often faced clashes with settlers. In April 1996, a Jarawa with a fractured leg was apprehended and treated at G.B. Pant Hospital in Port-Blair. After being released, Enmei was released into Jarawa territory. In October 1997, unarmed Jarawa emerged at Uttara Jetty in Middle Andaman, marking the end of animosity and the beginning of amicable ties between the Jarawa and non-Jarawa. This marked a welcome shift, as no hostility between the Jarawa and the peasants was documented afterwards.
Interactions between human groups, whether friendly or antagonistic, have unique origins, characters, and development. Investigating the influence of contact on Negrito groups and their environment is interesting, as it has been observed during two significant historical events, highlighting the unique nature of interactions.
During the British period (1858-1947), contact significantly impacted territorial displacement and redefining boundaries. Language, customary law, spatial organization, and resource availability influenced Andaman Islanders’ social and physical boundaries. These variables apply to most societies. Andaman Island tribes were distinguished by territories and dialects, maintaining exclusive boundaries for resource extraction, social cohesion, and cultural variety.
Previous studies on Andamanese culture and social organization have identified tribes based on geographical organization, with individuals divided into groups. The territory of a tribe is defined by specific names, referencing natural characteristics and stories associated with the location. Historically, Negrito groups in the Andaman Islands were at odds, with their territories well-defined and protected. In 1889, the North Andaman was inhabited by four major tribes: the Aka-Chari, Aka Kora, Aka-Bo, and Aka Jeru. By 1901, the Aka-Jeru region had significantly decreased, while the coastal
Aka-Chari territory expanded. This suggests that the coastal tribe overpowered their counterpart in tribal warfare. By 1961, the Aka Kora and Aka-Bo had vanished from the North Andaman.
In 1889, Middle Andaman had four major tribal groups: Aka-Kede, Okka-Juwai, and Aka-Puikwar. By 1901, the Aka-Kede expanded their territory, conquering the Aka-Puikwar and Okka-Juwai tribes. The Aka-Kol eventually pushed further south and west, ultimately causing the Jarawa to take control of the area in 1930.
The Aka-Kede and other tribes perished, similar to the North Andaman clans. In 1889, the Aka-Puikwar clan inhabited Baratang Island and South Andaman. In 1901, the Jarawa attacked and took over Baratang Island. The Aka-Puikwar eventually disappeared, and the British later expelled them from Baratang Island. Three main tribes lived on South Andaman and Rutland islands: Aka-Bea- da, Jarawa, and Aka-Puikwar. The Aka-Bele people called the Richie archipelago home. All tribes have declined, except for the Jarawa, who have shifted from south to north since 1901. By the 1930s, the Jarawa had taken over much of the South and Middle Andaman Islands.
The Great Andamanese tribal groupings disappeared by 1951, leaving only three of the ten remaining clans, Aka-Chari, Aka-Jeru, and Aka-Bea-da, with no land control. They lived in deplorable conditions around Port-Blair, reduced in size, and without their own area. In 1970, they finally landed on Strait Island.
In 1951, the Jarawa evacuated Richie Island and invaded the South and Middle Andaman, leaving the Little Andaman unoccupied for decades. Onges were relocated in 1974 to Dugong Creek and South Bay, resulting in a stable situation. The Little Andaman also saw the rehabilitation of former East Pakistani refugees, with the Sentinelese remaining relatively intact due to non-Sentinelese contact.
In 1905, the British government established the Bush Police Force to protect settlers and prisoners in the Jarawa area. Multiple outposts were established, many remaining after independence. In 1997, the name was changed to the Jarawa Protection Force, as the Jarawa gained friendships with non- Jarawa, leaving only a few outposts in place.
India’s independence marked a new era for indigenous communities, including the Negrito clans of the Andaman Islands. Developmental operations, refuge rehabilitation, and redefinition of the area significantly influenced the Jarawa and Onges, who were impacted by the rehabilitation of refugee from former East Bengal and the redefinition of the area.
Post-Independence, the Middle, South, and Little Andaman Islands were used for Bangladeshi refugee rehabilitation. The Little Andaman rehabilitation began in 1969 and lasted until 1979. Between 1973 and 1979, Tamil repatriates from Sri Lanka and Burma, Nicobarese from Car Nicobar, and some Mopalah families from the South Andaman Islands settled in the area.
Between 1949 and 1959, 68 refugee settlements were built in the South and Middle Andaman Islands, housing 2328 families and a population of 10,018. The Jarawa area was invaded, and an acquisition plan was developed to relocate around 5000 families. Each rehabilitated household received an ex- gratia award of Rs. 1050, a repayable loan of Rs. 1730, and 10 acres of land, including five acres for paddy and hilly terrain, and 5 acres for homesteads and other purposes.
After colonialism ended, historical events led to the Andaman Islands being opened for refugee rehabilitation and resettlement, impacting the remaining Negrito communities, particularly the Jarawa and Onges, whose regions were chosen by the government for rehabilitation.The Onges, a group of indigenous people, have been facing significant challenges in their home region of Little Andaman, Indonesia. They have been forced to abandon their communal huts and have been forced to reclaim land from the Forest Department, which has significantly depleted the reserve
forest’s resources.
The Onges now own about 25,200 hectares of land, and their access to the reserve forest has been limited due to the frequent timber exploitation by the Forest Department. The Onges have also been encroaching on forestland next to settlements for farming and residential purposes. The targeted demographic for resource extraction often visits forest regions within a 10-kilometer radius, limiting their access to around 40% of the region. Despite living in Little Andaman, the Onges used to visit the North and South Brother islands, Cinque Island, and Rutland for honey, turtle eggs, and wild boars.
During India’s independence, the Jarawa region, which included the northern portion of South Andaman and the entire Middle Andaman Islands, covered approximately 2950 square kilometers. The forest regions of Baratang Island were also within the Jarawa’s functional resource region. However, post-Independence, the islands were opened for resettlement and rehabilitation, leading to a significant reduction of the Jarawa territory, particularly east of the Andaman trunk road, from 2950- 765 km2. This shrinking led to the loss of the Jarawa’s life-sustaining resource base. The Jarawa reserve was defined solely on paper, with no attempt to delimit or demarcate it on the ground. This led to unlawful resource exploitation and encroachment on the reserve.
Following India’s independence, the Jarawa people experienced stability for the first two years, with significant events impacting their region, including the opening of islands for the rehabilitation of refugees from former East Bengal.
The rehabilitation plan in South and Middle Andaman, which relocated refugees near fresh water sources, denied the Jarawa access to this resource, causing the Jarawa to become increasingly hostile towards non-Jarawa. The loss of territory and life-sustaining supplies led to a total of 76 encounters with the Jarawa.
Prior to the arrival of the refugee population, the Onge and Jarawa were the only occupants and extractors of natural resources, both land and water. Following the rehabilitation of the refugees, the situation deteriorated during the next several decades. The problem can be comprehended through because of the following impact:
‘The forest’s resources are being reduced because of the territorial and functional changes, with more people competing for the same resources. The Onges and Jarawas face competition from refugees with advanced technology, and the economic pursuit of foreigners has impacted their resource regeneration potential.’
The region’s resource density has decreased significantly, causing harm to the foraging lifestyle of Onge and Jarawa.
Between 1949 and 1969, the Andaman Islands were opened for resettlement and rehabilitation of refugees from East Pakistan. Initially, settlers were interested in agricultural operations and worked as farm laborers, forest service wage laborers, and carpentry workers. Those who arrived without land were also employed in other jobs, such as carpentry and wood and cane work.
The growing non-tribal population on Indian islands has led to an intensified use of woodlands and aquatic resources, with the Jarawa region being impacted by illicit fishing, hunting, and the extractionof wood and non-timber forest products, as cited in the Anthropological Survey of India’s ‘The Jarawa Report’.
The Indian colonization of the Andaman Islands led to significant loss of indigenous peoples, with only three Great Andamanese subgroups remaining after colonial authority ended. The Onges and Jarawas also suffered from the colonial regime’s punitive actions, with the Onges’ population declining from 600 to 93, while the Jarawa population remained steady.
After Independence, the Onges’ region experienced significant changes, with only one-third of Little Andaman’s terrain designated as tribal reserve and almost half of South and Middle Andaman’s land denotified. Settlements were formed outside their boundaries, leading to competition for resources and a negative impact on resource density. The Onges were amicable with settlers, but their illicit exploitation significantly affected resource density. The Onges had to rely on the Andaman Administration’s welfare program, and the Jarawas’ hostile relationship served as a shield until 1997. Since then, the situation has shifted in favor of settlers secretly exploiting the Jarawa reserve’s resources, and if this trend continues unabated, the Jarawa will share the destiny of the Onges.
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